Land Is All That Matters – The Author’s Cut 1

Land Is All That Matters comes in at around 700 pages. It could have been longer but I agreed to cut a couple of chapters to keep costs down. So, here, over the next few days, is the ‘deleted material’, which, when added back in constitute The Author’s Cut.

THE AGENT

‘Anti-Christ and Orangeman’ – The land agent, Samuel Murray Hussey

‘This Hussey is of English origin and was formerly a cattle-dealer, and practised usury as far back as 1845. If all Ireland were to be searched for a similar despot he would not be found. He is a regular anti-Christ and Orangeman at heart, and, in fact, he acts as agent for all the bankrupt landlords in Kerry.’[1]

(Daniel O’Shea, letter to the New York Tablet, 1880)

The difference twixt moonlight and moonshine 

The people at last understand, 

For moonlight’s the law of the League 

And moonshine is the law of the land.[2]

(Doggerel quoted by Samuel M. Hussey in The Reminiscences of an Irish Land Agent

Samuel Murray Hussey

Samuel Murray Hussey’s autobiography, Remininiscences of an Irish Land Agent, appeared in 1904, just in time to allow him to fire off some artillery shells at the Land Purchase Act introduced the previous year by the Tory chief secretary, George Wyndham. No provision had been made for lost agent income in legislation designed to bid adieu to as many Irish landlords prepared to ‘take the shilling’ and depart. The author was suitably aggrieved and didn’t hold back.

            Hussey, after the hapless Boycott, is perhaps the best-known agent of the Land War era. Such celebrity in the 1880s was not, of course, a function of popularity. During the Land War, agents were not ‘celebrated’ or ‘famous’, they were, deservedly or not, ‘notorious’ or ‘infamous’.

            It is important to get Sam Hussey in some perspective. He was undoubtedly a Land League bete noire, but the raw figures belie his reputation for cold-bloodedness. On the estate of Lord Kenmare, Samuel Hussey’s primary responsibility, permanent evictions (where tenants were not readmitted) between 1878 and 1880 were of the order of 4 per cent of the 2,000 or more tenants. Even in 1880, at the height of the Land War, in the first six months of that year, five tenants out of a total of 4,160 under his agency in Kerry were evicted, and two of those were given paid passage to the USA.[3]However, we should be under no illusion that the relative paucity of evictions on estates under Hussey’s regulation had anything to do with moderation or excessive leniency. Hussey had made a simple economic calculation: there was no income to be extracted from an empty farm, and the power of the boycott had ensured that few if any evicted farms would be occupied in the short term at least. He said as much in his 1904 memoir: ‘Suppose twenty men were tenants on a townland …. Unless caretakers at a cost of about three times the rent were put in under excessive police protection, all the nineteen farms would promptly become derelict’.[4]

 Given the low level of eviction on his Kerry estates, why, therefore, was Hussey the most reviled agent in the country at a time when it was open season on members of his profession? The tone of his memoir, Remininiscences of an Irish Land Agent, offers some explanation. Hussey was pugnacious and highly combative. He was a profoundly and self-consciously alienating figure. Furthermore, he positively revelled in his notoriety. The ‘substance’ in Hussey’s case was comparatively inconsequential, his eviction record lagged behind many of his less well-known peers. But with Hussey ‘style’ was as important as ‘substance’. Where wholesale clearances were financially impractical, the optics of house-burning at the few ejectments that did take place assumed additional importance. While it attracted widespread excoriation, burning the cottage of an evicted farmer acted as a powerful psychological disincentive for tenants to default. Public opprobrium did not concern Hussey, not in 1880 and not in his declining years when he doubled down on his record in his self-serving memoir. 

Born in 1824 Hussey had experienced the horrors of the Great Famine (at second hand) and was in his prime as an agent when the First Land War began in earnest in 1879 with the founding of the Irish National Land League. Hussey’s memoir is as opinionated as it is entertaining. It is also utterly myopic and partial, almost beguilingly so. Hussey writes of facing death at the hands of moonlighters with the sort of insouciance of a curmudgeonly Great War British battalion commander describing how he regularly despatched ‘the Hun’ to their eternal reward. Hussey began his career as an agent in County Cork in 1845 as an assistant to his brother-in-law. In his reminiscences he observed that he had ‘thus really embarked on the profession of my life, one which, on the whole, I have most thoroughly and heartily enjoyed’. Never has the phrase ‘on the whole’ been required to work so hard. Shortly after this assertion Hussey pointed out the inherent thanklessness of a life as the landlord’s factotum: ‘Lord Derby received threats that if he did not reduce his rents, his agent would be murdered. He coolly replied: ‘If you think you will intimidate me by shooting my agent you are greatly mistaken’.[5]

Lord Derby could well afford to be so cool in his response.  As a landlord he was not required to face a fraction of the physical risks of his agent. Furthermore, as prime minister no one was likely to get close enough to him for an accurate shot, although, admittedly, that had not saved the life of one of his predecessors, Spencer Perceval.  

            Hussey, however, largely shrugged off the copious ill-will towards him, observing of the ubiquitous threatening letter that, although he had received over 100 of such missives,  ‘I’ll die in my bed for all that’.[6] That is what almost happened to him and his entire family when the Hussey household in Edenburn, Ballymacelligott, near Castleisland, Co. Kerry was the subject of a dynamite attack in the early hours of the morning of 6 December 1884. The would-be killers were able to plant the dynamite despite the presence of a permanent three-man RIC guard on the house.  The ManchesterGuardian offered a graphic description of the event: 

‘A large aperture was made in the wall, which is three feet thick. Several large rents running to the top have been made, and it now presents a most dilapidated appearance. The ground-floor, where the explosion occurred, was used as a larder, and everything in it was smashed to pieces, the glass window-frames and shutters being shivered into atoms. On the three stories above it, the explosion produced a similar effect.’[7]

Hussey’s phlegmatic temperament asserted itself in the minutes after the explosion. His first laconic observation was to his wife, ‘My dear,’ he told her, ‘we can have a quiet night at last, for the scoundrels won’t bother us again before breakfast.’ With that he returned to bed. A couple of days later he received a claim for compensation from a neighbour about half a mile distant. The force of the explosion had knocked some of the plaster off her wall. This had then fallen into a pan full of milk, spoiling it. It was probably the least of his worries.[8]

            The dynamiters were prepared to kill up to sixteen people in order to end Hussey’s life, which suggests an extraordinary level of both callousness and determination. It was this attack, blowing away much of the rear of his house, which finally persuaded Hussey that it was time to move to London.  

Hussey’s main employer, Lord Kenmare, a Roman Catholic landlord, was relatively popular in Kerry. More than a year after the founding of the Land League, in November 1880, 5,000 of his tenants demonstrated in his favour after he had received a letter threatening his life.[9] However, in September 1880 Hussey succeeded in damaging his employer’s status, while reinforcing his own reputation for ruthlessness, by burning the house of an evicted tenant in what was seen locally as an unnecessarily provocative act. Timothy Harrington’s Kerry Sentinel suggested that Kenmare was ‘playing the second fiddle’ to his single-minded agent.[10] By the outset of the First Land War Hussey was agent to Kenmare’s estate of almost 120,000 acres in Kerry, Cork and Limerick and headed a land agency firm that supervised 88 estates and was responsible for collecting around £250,000 in rent per annum.[11] This placed him at the top of the Kerry ribbonmen’s ‘most wanted’ list. Although claiming in his memoir to have been personally responsible for the eviction of only ten tenants over a six-year period from 1879, Hussey’s life was under permanent threat. He admitted that: ‘I never travelled without a revolver, and occasionally was accompanied by a Winchester rifle. I used to place my revolver as regularly beside my fork on the dinner-table, either in my own or in anybody else’s house, as I spread my napkin on my knee.’

Hussey also took the precaution of gifting his daughter a revolver. She slept with this under her pillow and would have been well capable of using it had the need arisen as, during the Land War in the Hussey household, Sunday afternoons were reserved for weapons training and target practice. The agent proudly laid claim to the nickname ‘Woodcock’— so christened by the editor of the Daily Telegraph—on the basis that ‘he was never hit, though often shot at’.  Hussey claimed, that even living in London, he was still unsafe, although, he added, ‘if a man shoots me in London he’ll be hung, and every Irish scoundrel is careful of his own neck’. [12]

            Hussey’s memoir is interesting in its assessment of the composition of the leadership of the Land League (‘The Land League agitation generally originated with the publicans, small shopkeepers, and bankrupt farmers, rather than with the actual land occupiers’) and his observation that of the six Poor Law districts in Kerry, the most violent agitation took place in the wealthiest (Tralee) and in the most prosperous part of the Tralee Poor Law district, Castleisland (‘which shows that poverty was not the cause’).   

            Hussey, in ‘there but for the grace of God’ mode, also discusses the murder of the prominent Kerry landlord Arthur E. Herbert. This killing took place near Castleisland in March 1882. The picture Hussey paints of the murder victim is less than flattering. 

He was a turbulent, headstrong man, brave to rashness and foolhardiness, and too fond of proclaiming his contempt for the people by whom he was surrounded. As a magistrate, sitting at Brosna Petty Sessions, he expressed his regret that he was not in command of a force when a riot occurred in that village, when he would have ‘skivered the people with buckshot’. 

In describing the death of Herbert, Hussey must have been well aware, that, in different circumstances, he might well have shared the deceased landlord’s fate. He certainly did not lack for potential assassins.  Like Hussey, Herbert never travelled abroad without a revolver in his pocket. On the day of the fatal ambush in which he died, he even had an armed guard for the first mile of his journey between Castleisland and his home in nearby Killeentierna House where he lived with his eighty-year-old mother. It was after the RIC constable turned back home for Castleisland that Herbert was attacked and killed. The killers made certain of their quarry as ‘The body was almost riddled with shot and bullets’.[13]

            A piece of contemporary doggerel offers some indication of the esteem in which Herbert was held by his tenants. 

            A for poor Arthur who thought he was smart, 

            B for the bullet that went through his heart;

It goes on …

            G for the groan he made when he fell,

            H for the hurry he showed going to hell,

            I for the Irish who will laugh at the sport.[14]

When it came to tenant marriage Hussey was not as oppressive as his fellow Kerry agent, William Steuart Trench—who insisted on being approached for permission by tenants who wished to marry. Hussey’s memoir also offers a revealing insight into one of the consequences of the end of the practice of subdivision. Although marriage patterns changed post-Famine—with men who were no longer entitled to a share of their father’s farm tending to postpone connubial bliss until they could support a wife and children by some other means—family numbers still remained relatively high. Something had to be done for the sons who were not going to inherit. Hussey described how, in this context, the dowry acquired an even greater importance than in pre-Famine days. The marriage prospects of the son who was due to inherit (not necessarily the eldest) became of vital importance and interest to the rest of the family. In many cases the dowry he received before his nuptials would not accrue to himself but to the disinherited members of the clan, in compensation for their bad fortune.    

Hence, if the eldest son were to marry the Venus de Medici with ten pounds less dowry than he could get with the ugliest wall-eyed female in the neighbourhood, he would be considered as an enemy to all his family. A tenant of a neighbour of mine actually got married to a woman without a penny, a thing unparalleled in my experience in Kerry, and his sister presently came to my wife for some assistance. 

My wife asked her: ‘Why does not your brother support you?’  And she was answered:  ‘How could he support any one after bringing an empty woman to the house?’ 

To marry ‘an empty woman’ was to commit a crime of the first water. Another tenant of Hussey’s approached him after the death of his (the tenant’s) father, and sought to have his name inserted in the rent book as his father had left him the farm and its stock in his will. 

‘What’s to become of your brother and sister?’ says I.  ‘They are to get whatever I draw,’ says he. ‘That means whatever you get with your wife?’  ‘That is so.’  ‘Well, suppose you marry a girl worth only twenty pounds, what would happen then?’ 

‘That would not do at all,’ very gravely. ‘Is there no limit put on the worth of your wife?’ ‘Oh,’ says he, ‘I was valued at one hundred and sixty pounds.’ I found out afterwards he had one hundred and seventy with his wife.[15]

While it is easy to abhor the supercilious arrogance that pervades Hussey’s memoir it is hard not to admire his mordant sense of humour. For example, when asked by the Earl of Lansdowne’s agent, J.Townsend Trench (son and successor of that other agent/memoirist, W.S. Trench, writer of Realities of Irish Life ), ‘How is it, Hussey, that you have not got shot long ago?’ Hussey responded sardonically, ‘I have warned them that if they shoot me, you will be their agent’.[16]

            Samuel Murray Hussey, described in his Times obituary as ‘one of the best-known land agents in the United Kingdom’, was as good as his word. He did succeed in dying in his bed—without the assistance of dynamite—at Aghadoe House near Killarney in 1913, nine years after the publication of his self-serving, often thought-provoking, and always highly diverting memoir. 


[1] S. M. Hussey, The Reminiscences of an Irish Land Agent (London, 1904), 210 

[2] Hussey, Reminiscences, 131.

[3] Donnacha Seán Lucey, Land and popular politics in County Kerry, 1872–86 (PhD thesis, Maynooth University, 2007), 75

[4] Hussey, Reminiscences, 190

[5] Hussey, Reminiscences, 40.

[6] Hussey, Reminiscences, 61.

[7] Manchester Guardian, 7 December 1884.

[8] Hussey, Reminiscences, 240-242.

[9] Kerry Sentinel, 16 November 1880.

[10] Kerry Sentinel, 1 October 1880.

[11] Dictionary of Irish Biography, Vol 4, 860.   

[12] Hussey,  Reminiscences, 67, 255, 130-131.

[13] Hussey, Reminiscences, 208, 214, 226, 227.

[14] http://www.odonohoearchive.com/castleisland-and-the-herbert-family/ – Accessed 22 March 2022.

[15] Hussey, Reminiscences, 228, 143-44.

[16] L. Perry Curtis Jr. The Depiction of Eviction in Ireland 1845-1910 (Dublin, 2011), 176.  

Land Is All That Matters – GLOSSARY OF TERMS L-Z

Land Acts

A variety of remedial land legislation was introduced in the 19th century, mostly in the last three decades, initially by William E. Gladstone in 1870 and 1881 and later by the Tory government of Lord Salisbury (and his nephews Arthur and Gerald Balfour) in 1887 and the 1890s.

Land Commission

Established in 1881 after the passage of the second Gladstone Land Act, its role went from the arbitration of rents between tenant and landlord, to direct involvement in the land purchase process when it acquired the power to buy estates and re-distribute the land to tenants who were offered loans to enable the purchases. It was re-constituted by the Irish Free State government in 1923, continued the work of land re-distribution until the 1980s, and was dissolved in 1999.

Land Courts

Established by the 1881 Land Act as an arbitrator between tenant and landlord whereby a tenant could apply to the court for a reduction in rent and the decision of the Land Court would be binding on both parties. Initial scepticism about the body gave way to a sudden wave of enthusiasm among tenant farmers when its early decisions reduced rents by an average of 15-20%. 

Land League, the

From its origins in Mayo in 1879, the Irish National Land League quickly developed, under the leadership of agrarian activists like Michael Davitt and Patrick Egan, and the presidency of Charles Stewart Parnell, into a vibrant and cohesive national pressure group intent on achieving ‘tenant right’ as well as a reduction of rent and an end to evictions. With agrarian crime levels rising in 1881 the organisation was banned in October of that year and most of its leadership arrested. Their release followed the conclusion of the unofficial ‘Kilmainham Treaty’ (qv)

Ladies Land League, the

Established by Parnell’s sisters Fanny and Anna in 1880 with the latter as the primary motivating force, the Ladies Land League (LLL) came into its own in October 1881 after the Liberal government proscribed the Land League. Anna Parnell’s organisation essentially took over the functions of its ‘brother’ organisation and did so with great efficiency and tenacity. Anna Parnell, who was far more radical than her brother Charles, and the rest of the LLL became surplus to requirements after the conclusion of the so-called ‘Kilmainham Treaty’ and the release from jail in May 1882 of her brother and the Land League leadership cadre. The LLL, because of its inherent agrarian radicalism, also became a political embarrassment to a Parnell whose focus had now shifted to the issue of Home Rule. 

Anna Parnell

Land purchase 

The transfer of land from landlord to tenant. A small element was contained in the Church Disestablishment Act of 1869 and Gladstone’s 1870 Land Act (‘The Bright Clause’). The Ashbourne Act of 1885 offered terms to landlord and tenant to encourage the process, but this was only marginally successful. The Conservative party chief secretary Arthur Balfour made another attempt in 1891 legislation but it was not until the Wyndham Act of 1903 and its subsequent amendment by Liberal chief secretary Augustine Birrell in 1909 that generous government funding led to the sale by landlords, and the subsidised purchase by tenants, on a vast scale. 

Land War, the

A campaign against excessive rents and evictions that began in Mayo in 1879. While the Land League was the public face of tenant opposition to landlord exactions during a period of worldwide economic depression, in the background secret agrarian ‘ribbon’ societies also played a significant role in forcing the passage of the 1881 Land Act and bringing William E. Gladstone to the negotiating table in the formulation of the so-called ‘Kilmainham Treaty’ (qv) which effectively brought the ‘War’ to an end.   

Landed Estates Court

The 1858 successor to the Encumbered Estates Court (qv) which took over the sale of the estates of bankrupt landlords. 

Land grabbers

The undesirable epithet applied to tenant-farmers who took up land from which the prior tenant had been evicted and, from 1919-23 to ‘squatters’ engaged in the illicit seizure of land. See also ‘grabbers’. 

Latitat

A writ or summons generally issued on the assumption that the object of the summons is in hiding. 

Middlemen

Someone who rented land from a landlord and then sub-let to others. Some middlemen were wealthy minor gentry, some were businessmen or professionals, others were farmers who worked their own land as well as subletting. On some estates there were ‘layers’ of middlemen, with, perhaps, a single middleman sub-letting to other members of a species that had become seriously endangered by the end of the 19th century and was close to extinction a hundred years later.. 

Molly Maguires 

A secret society suspected of the murder of Roscommon landlord, Denis Mahon. The term was later applied to the fraternal Ancient Order of Hibernians (a Roman Catholic counterpart of the Orange Order) and to a secret society based in the anthracite fields of the US state of Pennsylvania. 

A drawing of a person sitting in a chair

Description automatically generated

Major Denis Mahon

Newtownbarry

Today known as Bunclody, it was the scene in June 1831 of an affray that led to the killing of at least eighteen anti-tithe protestors by members of the Yeomanry militia. It was also the last time a Yeomanry company was used in a policing operation. 

Oakboys (see Hearts of Oak) 

Ordnance Survey

Beginning in 1825, and employing, among others, future Irish under-secretaries Thomas Drummond and Thomas Larcom, the Ordnance Survey mapped the country thoroughly for the first time since the Down Survey.  

Pastorini

The 18th century millenarian prophecies of Bishop Charles Walmsley (‘Pastorini’ was his pen-name) which predicted the demise of Protestantism in the 1820s. Walmsley’s writings influenced many of those who participated in the Rockite insurgency of the 1820s.

Bishop Charles Walmsley

Pound

An area of confinement where distrained livestock were kept prior to being auctioned. Also a unit of currency rarely if ever seen by Irish landless labourers or cottiers. 

Process server

An agent employed to serve eviction notices on tenants in arrears. As well liked and respected as a serious case of leprosy. 

Property Defence Association

A largely unionist landlord organisation established during the Land War to protect the interests of landlords against the rival tenants combination, the Land League. 

Ranch War, the

The outcome, from 1906-09, of a movement composed largely of small farmers and landless labourers, and led by Irish Parliamentary Party politicians, such as Laurence Ginnell, who campaigned against the move from tillage to pasture and the consequent reduction in the number of farms for purchase or rent. Often characterised by the illicit activity of cattle ‘driving’ (qv)

Laurence Ginnell MP

Replevy

To re-deliver distrained goods to their original owner after receiving financial guarantees. In Castle Rackrent Maria Edgeworth writes of Sir Murtagh, ‘he was always … replevying and replevying.’

Ribbonmen, the

The name by which members of secret agrarian societies came to be known by the middle of the 19th century, largely replacing the term ‘Whiteboy’. However, the Ribbonmen were, initially at least, more politicised, and emerged from the ‘Defender’ tradition in Ulster. Ribbonism also had a foothold in Dublin, unlike any of its purely rural predecessors. 

Rockites, the

A well-coordinated agrarian secret society, often driven by anti-Protestant millenarianism (see ‘Pastorini), which posed a major threat to the authorities in Munster in the 1820s. Named after the mythical ‘Captain Rock’ (qv) who ‘signed’ many of the threatening letters issued to agents, landlords and non-compliant tenants.    

undefined

‘The Installation of Captain Rock’, Daniel Maclise 1834

Rundale

A co-operative tenurial system based on a clachán (qv) or small community in which land was held collectively and its distribution settled by local agreement. 

Rightboys, the

A largely Munster-based agrarian secret organisation of the 1780s whose main grievance was the obligation to pay tithes. The name derives from their allegiance to the mythical ‘Captain Right’.

Shanavests, the

The rivals of the Caravat (qv) secret society in a class-based conflict in Munster and south Leinster from 1806-11. The Shanavests were prosperous farmers who combined to resist the antagonism of small farmers and labourers. 

Sive (Sieve) Oultagh

The mythical guiding light of the Whiteboys whose signature was often appended to threatening letters from the organisation. Other exotic names used in this context included Joanna, Shevane Meskill and the more masculine Lightfoot, Slasher, Cropper, Echo, Fearnot and Burnstack.

Steelboys, the (see Hearts of Steel)

Terry Alts, the

A secret society that emerged in County Clare in the late 1820s, post-Rockite and pre-Tithe War and was responsible for a number of murders, the most celebrated being the killing of Captain William Blood, land agent of Lord Stradbrooke in 1831. 

Three Fs

‘Fair rent, Free sale. Fixity of tenure’. An ongoing slogan since the days of the Tenant League. Finally given legal status in Gladstone’s 1881 Land Act. 

Tithes

A form of taxation payable to the clergy of the Established Church and a frequent bone of contention, especially with members of the Roman Catholic and Presbyterian faiths. The nature of the tax varied from region to region and, for a long time, livestock farmers were exempted from the levy. The so-called ‘Tithe War’ of the 1830s led to the Tithe Rentcharge Act of 1838 which ended the anti-tithe agitation.

Tithe proctor

An agent who established crop valuations and collected tithe contributions on behalf of a Church of Ireland rector for a commission of around 10%. As welcome as gout.

A visit from the tithe proctor

Tithe farmer

Someone who reached agreement with a local rector to take on the collection of tithes on payment of an agreed sum to the clergyman. How he then made a profit was dependent on how much he could extract from those in the local parish liable for the tax. As popular as syphilis.

Tithe War 

A conflict that spawned the effective, but relatively uncoordinated movement which led to the transfer of direct responsibility for the payment of tithes from tenants to landlords. The ‘war’ began in Kilkenny in 1830 and included two notable atrocities, at Newtownbarry, Co. Wexford (qv) in June 1831 where yeomanry killed fourteen protestors and at Carrigshock, Co. Kilkenny (qv) in December 1831 where a process server and twelve policemen were killed.     

Ulster Custom 

The right of a tenant to be compensated for improvements when vacating land (either voluntarily, or as a result of eviction proceedings) or to sell his ‘interest’ in the land. Also known as ‘tenant right’ it was supposed to exist throughout Ulster, although this was often disputed by landlords, as the incoming tenant was expected to pay for the interest or fund the compensation and this tended to reduce the potential rent.  

Whiteboys. 

An agrarian secret society that originated in Tipperary in 1761 in opposition to the enclosures of common land. The movement then spread into neighbouring counties with an expanded agenda. Named for the white shirts worn over workday clothing. The movement died away by 1765 but re-emerged in 1769 in opposition to high rents, evictions and excessive levels of tithe payments. The term ‘Whiteboy’ continued to be used in the early 19th century as an umbrella term for violent agrarian activity, until it was gradually supplanted by the term ‘Ribbonism’. The 18th century legislation against agrarian crime passed in 1766, 1776 and 1787 became known as the ‘Whiteboy Acts’. 

A group of men in clothing

Description automatically generated

Whiteboy activity

Whitefeet

An offshoot of the Whiteboys, in that this was a secret agrarian society which emerged in the Carlow-Kilenny area in the 1830s in imitation of the 18th century Whiteboys.